Art Is a Result of a Dance With Death

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Int J Public Health. 2012; 57(6): 915–924.

Dances of death: macabre mirrors of an unequal society

Johan Pieter Mackenbach

Department of Public Health, Erasmus MC, Rotterdam, The netherlands

Rolf Paul Dreier

Department of Public Health, Erasmus MC, Rotterdam, Holland

Received 2011 December 24; Revised 2012 May 22; Accepted 2012 Jun 1.

Abstruse

Objectives

Betwixt 1400 and 1800, Dances of Death were a popular art form depicting a metaphorical run across betwixt Decease and representatives of a stratified human society. Nosotros review the thematic evolution of Dances of Death and study the development of social critique.

Methods

We first assembled a total catalogue of all Dances of Expiry created between 1400 and 1800. Nosotros then analyzed patterns of spatiotemporal diffusion and made an in-depth hermeneutic study of the combined texts and images of a carefully selected ready of 20 Dances of Death, comparing four distinct periods (1425–1525, 1525–1600, 1600–1650, and 1650–1800).

Results

We identified more 500 Dances of Death. It was only in its first phase of evolution, coinciding with the Pre-Reformation (1425–1525), that social critique was very prominent. This was represented in four forms: explicit references to social (in) equality, to failures of the authorities, and to emancipated farmers, and a general social realism. In later phases social critique largely disappeared and was replaced by religious themes.

Conclusions

Dances of Decease provide historical context to current analyses and debates of social inequalities in health. They remind us of the stubbornness of these inequalities, which despite progress in fabric well-being are still very much with us today.

Keywords: History, Bloodshed, Social inequality, Art

Introduction

We live in an unequal globe, with large variations betwixt rich and poor in the likelihood of a long life. In Western Europe, inequalities in life expectancy at nascence between those with a low and a high socioeconomic position amount to between 5 and 10 years (Commission on Social Determinants of Health 2008; Mackenbach et al. 2008). It is not exactly known when these inequalities in mortality originated, but parish registers from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries show that substantial differences in mortality rates between persons with higher and lower social ranks were already present then (Perrenoud 1975; Schultz 1991). Information technology is non certain whether socioeconomic inequalities in mortality also existed before the seventeenth or eighteenth century, but anecdotal evidence suggests that even mortality from the bubonic plague was higher in the lower social classes, partly because the very rich had the opportunity to escape from plague-ridden towns by going to their country houses, thereby reducing their risks of infection (Cipolla and Zanetti 1972).

The ravages of plague epidemics caused nifty fear and contributed significantly to the rise of a whole series of new and macabre art forms, including Triumphs of Death (large paintings in which a personification of Expiry reaps masses of people), Artes Moriendi (illustrated treatises on how to die properly) and then-called Dances of Decease (Huizinga 1924; Kurtz 1934; Clark 1950; Meiss 1951; Ariès 1977). It is normally thought that the creation of Dances of Decease followed the spread of the plague (Brossolet 1968; Schadewaldt 1991; Corvisier 1999). Dances of Death were creative expressions of homo bloodshed, executed either monumentally (mainly as a wall painting) or graphically (in the form of prints or books). They depict a metaphorical encounter between Death and representatives of human guild in their last moments of earthly life. Expiry invites the dying to his trip the light fantastic toe and at the aforementioned fourth dimension addresses them about their personal sins (Fig.ane). The basis of this Memento mori is the Christian idea of the spiritual equality of all mankind earlier Death. Paradoxically, to convey this message the backbone of the iconography of the Trip the light fantastic toe of Death is a representation of social inequality, the so-chosen Ständereihe, i.east. a depiction of the rigidly vertical social hierarchy which was believed to be ordained by God (Oexle 1988). Starting with Pope and Emperor all social positions would exist represented, through Bishop and Squire, Usurer and Physician, all the way down to Clerk and Hermit, Jew and Turk. Each of these social positions was attributed its own typical sins, which were often sharply criticized. As a result, and because of the overrepresentation of the upper social classes, some of these Dances of Death read like early forms of social satire (Corvisier 1969; Werner 1975; Mackenbach 1995).

An example of a monumental Dance of Decease: two fragments from the church of the Trinity, Hrastovlje (Slovenia). Source: photographs fabricated by the authors

The question whether Dances of Death were really socially critical has attracted a lot of attending simply has never been systematically analyzed. It is widely agreed that Dances of Death did not have 'revolutionary' intentions (Egger 1990), but did have a potential for social critique (Schulte 1991; Kiening 2003; Oosterwijk 2006). No studies, however, have been done of how this worked, who and what was criticized, and what the reasons were. The but exception is Petersmann (1983) who bars himself to one Dance of Expiry. Most of the existing literature on Dances of Decease has been preoccupied with the origin and the various forms of appearance of the genre. Researchers from related fields also have merely rarely included Dances of Decease in their studies of 'satire' or 'social critique' (Mezger 1991).

This paper therefore aims to provide an assay of the thematic development of Dances of Death in the period betwixt 1400 and 1800, focusing on the theme of social critique (i.e., criticism of the construction of lodge and the inequalities it generates). In doing so, we build on a monograph written by ane of us (Dreier 2010) and present some of the results of that historical study in a broader public wellness context. Our study period starts with the primeval Dances of Death and ends with the French Revolution when modern notions about social equality took root. We get-go past describing the spatiotemporal development of Dances of Death, and and then show that it is mainly in its first stage of evolution, coinciding with the Pre-Reformation, and that critique of the existing social order was prominent.

Methods

We first assembled a full catalogue of all Dances of Expiry created betwixt 1400 and 1800. We included all Dances of Death mentioned in existing monographs and catalogues (e.g. Rosenfeld 1954; Hammerstein 1980; Utzinger and Utzinger 1996; Sörries 1998) and searched for hitherto unknown Dances of Death in libraries and library catalogues and during study trips in Federal republic of germany, Switzerland, and Italy. For each Dance of Death nosotros collected available information on electric current status, engagement of production, place of production, writer or artist, language, composition of the 'Ständereihe', and state of preservation and accessibility. This comprehensive inventory of (currently) more than than 500 Dances of Death has been placed online (http:\\world wide web.totentanz.nl) and is farther discussed in Dreier (2010).

We and so studied the thematic development of these Dances of Death, by hermeneutic analysis of the combined texts and images of a advisedly selected set up of 20 Dances of Death. For this office of the study we selected Dances of Death for which full documentation (i.due east., consummate texts and images, and information on circumstances of production) was available, and which on the footing of patterns of spatiotemporal diffusion and artistic kinship were judged to represent important steps in the evolution of the genre. The analytic methods are further documented in Dreier (2010).

In our analyses we compared four periods, chosen to reflect distinct phases in the religious and political development of Europe: the period preceding the Reformation (1425–1525), the period of the Reformation (1525–1600), the period of the Counter-Reformation and Wars of Religion (1600–1650), and the period between the finish of the Wars of Religion, and the French Revolution (1650–1800).

Results

Spatiotemporal development of Dances of Expiry (1400–1800)

We traced more than 500 Dances of Decease created between 1400 and 1800, of which about one-third were monumental, and 2-thirds were graphical works. Near one-half of these Dances of Decease were produced in the German language-speaking lands of middle Europe (Fig.2). There are very few Dances of Decease due east of the imaginary line running from Stockholm to Zagreb, which indicates that this art motive belongs to the Roman-Christian cultural space, as opposed to the Orthodox cultural space. Even so while France hosts a noun number of Danses Macabres, important parts of the Roman-Christian cultural space, like the Iberian and Italian peninsulas, have merely a pocket-sized number, and there are besides a few regions that are even absolutely Dance of Death-free, such as Ireland. Because Italy, Spain, and Ireland were hit very hard and repeatedly by bubonic plague throughout the centuries, the nigh-absence of Dances of Death in these countries shows that the geographical improvidence of this fine art form fails to match the geographical pathology of the epidemic. This indicates that the popular hypothesis that Dances of Decease were a companion of the plague is wrong.

Geographical distribution of Dances of Death fabricated between 1400 and 1800. Modest balloons indicate single or small numbers of Dances of Death made in 1 place. The largest balloons point centers of production, where more than five Dances of Death were produced. a Geographical distribution of Dances of Death made between 1425 and 1525. b Geographical distribution of Dances of Decease made between 1525 and 1600. c Geographical distribution of Dances of Death made between 1600 and 1659. d Geographical distribution of Dances of Decease fabricated between 1650 and 1800

When nosotros relate the development and diffusion of this art motive to the 4 periods mentioned to a higher place, the post-obit tin be observed (Fig.3). In the commencement or Pre-Reformation period (ca. 1425—ca. 1525) the Trip the light fantastic toe of Death spread rapidly—likewise cheers to the invention of print—from its breeding grounds in the north of France and the south of Germany, to reach its largest geographical distribution always, including areas as far away every bit Scotland, Finland, Istria, and Andalusia. Although most Dances of Decease were even so made in France, where the first monumental Dance of Death had been painted in 1424, German-speaking areas as well had a large share. Monumental and graphical Dances of Death had roughly equal shares in the total product. In this period, many Dances of Death were commissioned by preaching friars, such equally the Dominicans and Franciscans, for whom these macabre pictures were illustrated sermons in which believers were urged to contemplate their sins and better their lives earlier it was too late. As a matter of fact, many of these Dances of Decease included a preacher at the start and/or end of the "dance". Dominicans and Franciscans strived for a reform of Catholic religion, in which greater emphasis was placed on the strict observance of biblical precepts, such every bit the rejection of material possessions. They advocated a new spirituality founded on the churchly ideal of poverty, and they were critical of both religious and worldly leaders (Angenendt 1997). This 'Pre-Reformation type' of Dance of Death culminated in Holbein's Bilder des Todes (created in 1524/25, published in 1538), an immensely popular volume illustrated with wood-cuts providing the muster for many Dances of Expiry in the following menstruum (Holbein 1971).

Temporal distribution of Dances of Death by type and language area. a Temporal distribution of Dances of Expiry by blazon. ane = 1425–1525, 2 = 1525–1600, three = 1600–1650, iv = 1650–1800. b Temporal distribution of Dances of Death by linguistic communication area. one = 1425–1525, two = 1525–1600, iii = 1600–1650, 4 = 1650–1800

In the second period (ca. 1525–ca. 1600) the center of production gradually started to shift to German-speaking areas (present-24-hour interval Germany, Switzerland, North of Italy). This stage coincided with a very divisive period of church history, catastrophe in a definitive carve up between the Roman-Catholic church and various Protestant denominations. The Reformation as well had a profound influence on the grapheme of Dances of Death and gave rise to a 'Reformation type': Dances of Decease now became vehicles of theological dispute between Roman Catholicism and reformed Lutheranism or Calvinism. A large majority of Dances of Death produced in this flow were commissioned by Protestants and therefore contained sharp criticisms of the Catholic clergy and doctrine. This largely replaced the broader, egalitarian critique of the previous phase. There was a rapid increase in the share of graphical Dances of Death: prints and books provided a convenient ways of transportation of the potentially destructive bulletin. Holbein's prints were re-used many times, sometimes with modest variations, but the texts accompanying the pictures were rewritten to make them more explicitly polemical towards Catholicism.

In the kickoff of the seventeenth century, Roman-Catholics rediscovered the Dance-of-Expiry motif and adapted it ingeniously to their own needs. In this tertiary period (ca. 1600–ca. 1650), the charge per unit with which new Dances of Death were produced was a piddling lower as compared with the previous phase, probably due to the Wars of Religion, such as the Thirty Years' War (1618–1648) which was fought in Germany at this time. The focus of production at present conspicuously lay in German-speaking areas, particularly in the southern half of present-day Federal republic of germany and neighboring areas in Switzerland and Republic of austria. Most of the Dances of Expiry produced in this third phase were commissioned past Roman-Catholics, and focused on the traditional Memento Mori. Critique of churchly or globe leaders was largely absent in these Dances of Death. Although the Jesuits did not directly commission them, the similarity between the content of these Catholic Dances of Expiry and Jesuit theology and didactic (Schwaiger 1998) suggests their interest in the development and diffusion of this 'Counter-Reformation blazon' of Dances of Death.

In the fourth period (ca. 1650–ca. 1800) many new Dances of Death were created, exceeding the rate with which they were produced in the two previous phases. The focus of production stayed in German-speaking areas, with some farther expansion towards the East, probably following German colonization of nowadays-day Poland and Byelorussia. The Cosmic Dance of Expiry slowly evolved further on the basis developed in the previous phase, without important thematic developments. Many Dances of Death repeated the well-known examples for rural and often remote parishes. Protestant Dances of Death well-nigh disappeared birthday. It is likely that the diminishing popularity of the Trip the light fantastic toe-of-Death motive among Protestants was due to its confrontational style which became increasingly outdated towards the end of the Thirty Years' War. This was a historical period characterized by a cautious appeasement between the Christian confessions (Schulze 1998).

The ascent and fall of social critique in Dances of Decease

Our in-depth analysis of the thematic development of Dances of Expiry shows that social critique, in the form of social satire with egalitarian undertones, was largely limited to the beginning phase (1425–1525). In this Pre-Reformation phase, four elements of the text and/or images of the Dances of Expiry contributed to the overall bulletin of social critique: explicit references to social (in)equality, representations of the failures of the authorities, representations of emancipated farmers, and a full general social realism in all representations.

While the earliest Dances of Decease merely argued that all men are equal in death, i.e. face the same fate in the afterlife, almost Pre-Reformation Dances of Death carried the notion that all men are equal before death, in a very concrete sense. One Dance of Death states: "Therefore understand this all/we must all go into the earth/and let nobody enhance himself because of his nobility or power/his riches or his fine appearance" [Knoblochtzer H. Der doten dantz mit figuren, clage und antwort schon von allen staten der werlt. UB Heidelberg, GW Yard 47 257, 22 recto (ca. 1488)]. And another one: "Oh you child of man, come hither/and look to see who is the lord and who the retainer/considering God does justice according to the law/hither lies the lord and the servant too" [Monumentaltotentanz von Kientzheim. Reproduction in Stehle B. Der Totentanz von Kienztheim im Ober-Elsass. Strassburg: 1899, 24]. The idea that the principle of biblical equality of all men is also valid for the visible world is credible in frequent representations of courts of justice, which show biased kings and judges not to treat everyone equally according to his right. Holbein'due south epitome of the gauge shows him to be corrupt and evil, simply Decease stops him from making a verdict favoring the rich (Fig.4).

Examples of Holbein'south prints. Key, Guess, Nobleman with farmer, Farmer. a Example of Holbein's prints: Cardinal. b Instance of Holbein'due south prints: Gauge. c Example of Holbein'southward prints: Nobleman with farmer. d Example of Holbein's prints: Farmer. Source: Holbein (1971). The Dance of Expiry. Facsimile edition. Dover, New York. Original edition published in Lyon in 1538

Pre-Reformation Dances of Death too are full of the visible failures of authorities, both religious and secular. A desire of the authors for church building and political reform tin can oftentimes easily be discerned. In Knoblochtzer's Dance of Death, for example, the bishop accuses himself with the following words: "I have received a lot of money/and repressed the poor with violence" [Knoblochtzer H. Der doten dantz mit figuren, clage und antwort schon von allen staten der werlt. UB Heidelberg, GW K 47 257, 3 verso]. Holbein shows the primal receiving money from a rich nobleman, in return for a certificate with seals, simply Decease lifts his hat to show that he will lose his authorization (Fig.4). Princes, noblemen and urban regime were too frequently attacked vehemently for neglecting their duties and for their lack of righteousness. In the primeval Dances of Death these worldly authorities were simply represented as abstract representatives of the college order, but towards the terminate of the fifteenth century Dances of Death criticize their way of life and rule in very concrete ways. In the Kientzheim Trip the light fantastic toe of Death, Decease says of the emperor: "Widows, orphans and country and people/I accept not kept in peace./I laid siege, waged a lot of war/and rarely considered public welfare" [Monumentaltotentanz von Kientzheim. Reproduction in Stehle B. Der Totentanz von Kienztheim im Ober-Elsass. Strassburg: 1899, 28–29].

In the primeval Dances of Expiry, farmers represented the rather abstruse ideal of the biblical Adam: diligence, austerity, and humble acceptance of poverty. Merely gradually the representation of farmers inverse: they became defensible and self-confident. Farmers now could say: "Large works, chopping, plowing/I did at all times/to nourish wife and kid/I never wasted coin/I already paid my tithes/Serving God and going to church/I never failed out of misery/Therefore death falls me lighter" [Monumentaltotentanz von Kientzheim. Reproduction in Stehle B. Der Totentanz von Kienztheim im Ober-Elsass. Strassburg: 1899, 51]. Holbein has two farmer'south scenes: one according to the traditional scheme, in which Decease relieves the difficult working plowman, and one in which Death is bearded as a fighting farmer attacking a nobleman (Fig.4). The flail on the ground provides a directly reference to the Bauernkrieg, the German peasant's revolt of 1524/25, and Death's taking side with the farmers in that conflict is undisputable.

More than generally, Pre-Reformation Dances of Expiry slowly but increasingly took the form of a concrete social portrait. The typical sins of each social position were no longer represented in an abstract manner, merely more than specifically, frequently referring to local circumstances. In i Trip the light fantastic toe of Death from a famous vino-growing region the usurer says: "I purchase wine and grain/I am delighted when it becomes expensive" [Monumentaltotentanz von Kientzheim. Reproduction in Stehle B. Der Totentanz von Kienztheim im Ober-Elsass. Strassburg: 1899, 48]. Unequal chances of social mobility are referred to when some other Dance of Death lets the merchant say: "All nights and days I must wake/in gild to make my children into lords/my middle was possessed by earthly goods/when I have to leave I will have a lot of pain" [Monumental Dance of Death of Bern. Reproduction in Tripps J. Den Würmern wirst du Wildbret sein. Der Berner Totentanz des Niklaus Manuel Deutsch in den Aquarellkopien von Albrecht Kauw. Bern: 2005, 75].

In Pre-Reformation Dances of Death critique of the servants of the faith and critique of inequality went manus in hand, because both served the intimately linked religious and political agendas of the Dominicans and Franciscans and other religious reform movements. But when the Reformation took off, in the early decades of the sixteenth century, Dances of Death mainly became vehicles for confessional strife. Egalitarian critique did not immediately disappear, every bit is clear from some of Gilles Corrozet's text variations accompanying Holbein's pictures: "The lower classes volition revolt/confronting inhumanity/and will take the fierce/with them without effort" [Holbein H. The Dance of Expiry. Facsimile edition. New York, NY: Dover, 1971, 24]. But gradually these Protestant Dances of Death became dominated by church building polemics: "Y'all Pope, a real antichrist/wants to be the earthly God/yous are just a mendacious man/must now exist mocked/in order for the earth to see/whom it has honored/yous practise not dearest God, only splendor and money/it has lasted long plenty" [Denecker J. Todtentantz. Augsburg: 1544, n.p].

References to social equality and inequality became rare, and references to injustice were rephrased to remove the sharper, socio-politically subversive edges. During the sixteenth century, Dances of Death seemed to have lost their appetite for a broader social reform, just like Luther condemned the social unrest of the German Peasant's revolt in favor of social gild (Briggs and Burke 2005). Echoing Luther's respect for secular potency, a Protestant Dance of Death lets the emperor say: "The upper leader, the only lord/of the whole world I am/for whom stretches nobility and accolade/and a lot of grace./Here on world the highest position/I have in my power/the empire, and besides much country of my ain/which I keep in peace" [Denecker J. Todtentantz. Augsburg: 1544, due north.p]. The contrast with earlier representations of the emperor could not have been more hitting.

Discussion

Even though criticism of social inequality, or of the college social classes, has never been the main theme of Dances of Death, criticism targeting the behavior of people in the visible world was an of import office of the bulletin. The Memento Mori of the Trip the light fantastic of Decease was directed confronting all members of society, and the original intention of including a Ständereihe was probably but to stand for the whole of order. But the Memento Mori also required that the common failures of each social position would be enumerated, and because the number of different higher social positions happened to be larger than that of lower social positions, Dances of Death could hands be perceived every bit criticizing the college social classes more than ordinary folk.

This effect was strengthened by the fact that most monumental Dances of Death were to be found in public places, e.g. not but within churches but also on their outer walls, and therefore publicly visible, and easily accessible. Texts were often simple rhymes and commonly written in the vernacular. Highly placed persons sometimes represented real living or historical persons whom the local population would recognize. This was all part of the public preaching strategy of the Dominicans and Franciscans, whose mission was to convert the less privileged members of society (Schwaiger 1998). Every bit a issue, Dances of Death came to resemble a form of public chastisement of the government, which in its turn probably contributed to their popularity.

Likewise, the paradoxical nature of Dances of Death, in which the inequality of the Ständereihe was used to explain that all human beings are equal earlier death, created an inherent tension which must take been obvious to everyone, and which almost invited the spectators to reflect on the legitimacy of a strictly hierarchical guild. Medieval theology had argued that the Ständereihe represented God's design of society, in which all members, humble and high, were equally valuable parts of the aforementioned torso (Heineman 1966). This conservative ideal, withal, was undermined by the sharp criticism of the higher social positions. That all ranks of guild danced together further contributed to the paradoxical nature of Dances of Decease: such a mutual dance representing the equality of all mankind was the 'world upside down' (Schindler 2002).

In the tardily Middle Ages and early on Modern period, people in Europe seem to have been unaware of social inequalities in life expectancy, and even if they would have known that those with college social positions could evade expiry a bit longer than the poor, they would probably not have cared. They were more interested in the afterlife, and for them the bitter inequalities during life on earth could, to some extent, be traded off against the equality of life in sky.

Merely they were very much aware of social inequalities in access to material and immaterial resources. During one particular period, ca. 1425–ca. 1525, this sensation gave rise to public and concrete criticism of various aspects of social inequality within the framework of a pop religious art form, the Dance of Death. This critique was sanctioned by parts of the Church, as the underpinnings of a social reform movement which later dissolved in the theological struggles of the Reformation and Counter-Reformation.

Although many of these Dances of Death accept not survived the passage of time, sufficient numbers remain to remind us of the long history of social critique—and the stubbornness of social inequality, which despite enormous progress in material well-beingness is still very much with us today, despite the fact that we now know it to be strongly associated with inequality in the length of life (Mackenbach 1996). Dances of Death, therefore, provide historical context to electric current analyses and debates of social inequalities in health.

Acknowledgments

This report was financially supported by the Vereniging Nederlands Tijdschrift voor Geneeskunde (Amsterdam). The authors would like to thank Prof. Jan van Herwaarden for his contributions to this written report.

Open Access

This commodity is distributed under the terms of the Creative Eatables Attribution License which permits any use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original writer(southward) and the source are credited.

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Source: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3505498/

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